On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism - Communist Party of Peru

This document like long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism by the revolutionary internationalist movement is a foundation for Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a whole and a necessary read for any Maoist. released in 1988 the document is a comprehensive overview of the core tenants of Marxism Leninism Maoism.

On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
Document from the PCP First Party Congress
Released in 1988

The ideology of the international proletariat arose in the crucible of the class struggle as Marxism,
becoming Marxism- Leninism and, finally, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In this way the all-
powerful scientific ideology of the proletariat, all-powerful because it is true, has undergone three
stages: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, 3) Maoism. These are three stages, periods or milestones in the
dialectical process of development of a single unity that in 140 years, beginning with the
Communist Manifesto, through the most heroic epic of class struggle, through fierce and fruitful
two-line struggles within the communist parties themselves, through the tremendous work of giants
of thought and action that only the class could have brought forth, with three unfading luminaries
standing above the rest -- Marx, Lenin and Mao Tsetung -- and through great leaps, especially three,
has armed us with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism today.
However, while the universal validity of Marxism-Leninism has come to be recognized, Maoism is
not broadly recognized as the third stage; thus, while some simply deny it as such, others only go so
far as to accept it as "Mao Tsetung Thought." Essentially, in both cases, while they clearly have
differences between them, they both deny the overall development of Marxism by Chairman Mao
Tsetung. Not to recognize Maoism's character as an "ism" is to deny that it is universally applicable
and, consequently, its character as the third, newest and highest stage of the ideology of the
international proletariat: Marxism- Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, which we uphold,
defend and apply.

As an introduction, and to better understand Maoism and the need to fight for it, let us recall Lenin.
He taught us that as the revolution shifted to the East it would confront specific conditions which,
without denying principles and laws, were nonetheless new situations, and that Marxism could not
fail to recognize this fact on pain of leading the revolution to defeat. Despite the uproar raised
especially by pedantic and bookish intellectuals full of liberalism and false Marxism in opposition
to what was newly arising, the only appropriate and correct thing to do was to apply Marxism to the
concrete conditions and resolve the new situations and problems that every revolution necessarily
confronts and resolves; this in the face of consternation and hypocritical "defense of the ideology,
the class, and people" put forward by revisionists, opportunists and renegades, and the enraged and
blind attacks by the stultified academicians and hacks of the old order, debased by rotten bourgeois
ideology and ready to defend the old society on which they were parasites. Furthermore, Lenin
expressly stated that the revolution in the East would give rise to new and great surprises that would
further shock the worshippers of known paths who are incapable of seeing the new; and, as we all
know, he entrusted comrades from the East with resolving problems that Marxism had not yet been
able to resolve.

Further, we should keep in mind that when Comrade Stalin rightfully and correctly stated that we
had entered the stage of Leninism in the development of Marxism, there was also opposition, and
those who opposed it also did so in the name of defending Marxism. Let us keep in mind that some
people also said that Leninism was only applicable to the backward countries, but through struggle,
practice confirmed it as a great development of Marxism, and proletarian ideology shined
throughout the world as Marxism-Leninism. Today, Maoism faces a similar situation, and just as the new and Marxism have always made their way through struggle, so too Maoism will prevail and become recognized. As for the context in which Chairman Mao worked and in which Maoism was forged, on an international level the basis was imperialism, world wars, the worldwide proletarian movement, the national liberation movement, the struggle between Marxism and revisionism and the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. Three milestones stand out in this century: first the 1917 October revolution, the dawn of the world proletarian revolution; second, the victory of the Chinese revolution in 1949, changing the correlation of forces in favour of socialism; third, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution initiated in 1966 as a continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat in order to continue on the road to communism. Suffice it to say that Chairman Mao led two of these glorious historic events.

Maoism took concrete shape in China, the centre of the world revolution, amidst the most complex
convergence of contradictions, intense and bloody class struggle marked by the imperialist powers'
attempt to carve up China amongst themselves, the fall of the Manchu empire (1911), the anti-
imperialist movement of 1919, the upheaval of the vast peasantry, the 22 years of armed struggle for
the democratic revolution, the tremendous struggle to build and develop socialism and the ten years
of revolutionary fervour to advance the Cultural Revolution in the midst of the greatest two-line
struggle in the CPC, principally against revisionism, with the world situation already described in
the background. Four of these historic events are of particularly extraordinary importance: the
founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921; the 1927 Autumn Harvest Uprising which was
the beginning of the path of surrounding the cities from the countryside; the founding of the
People's Republic of China in 1949; and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976; in
all of these Chairman Mao was the leading figure, and, above all, the highest and acknowledged
leader of the Chinese Revolution.

Regarding Chairman Mao's biography, we can say that he was born on 26 December 1893, opening
his eyes to a world convulsed in the flames of war. He was the son of peasants and was seven when
the "Boxer Rebellion" broke out. He was 18 and studying to be a teacher when the empire
collapsed; he enlisted in the army and later became a great organiser of peasants and students in
Hunan, his native province. Founder of the Communist Party and the workers and peasants Red
Army, he put forward the path of encircling the cities from the countryside, developed people's war
and with that the military theory of the proletariat. He formulated the theory of New Democracy
and founded the People's Republic. He was the motive force of the Great Leap Forward and the
driving force behind the building of socialism, leader of the struggle against Khrushchev's modern
revisionism and his lackeys, and leader and guide of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
These milestones mark a life totally and completely dedicated to revolution. In this century the
proletariat has won three great victories; two were led Chairman Mao, and if one is glorious
enough, then two is all the more so. 

 

On the content of Maoism -- obviously, its essence -- we should underline the following basic
questions:

1. Theory. Marxism is made up of three component parts: Marxist philosophy, Marxist political
economy and scientific socialism. The development of all of these gives rise to a great qualitative
leap for Marxism as a whole, as a unity, to a higher level, which means a new stage. Consequently,
it is essential to point out that Chairman Mao has produced, in theory and in practice, precisely such
a great qualitative leap. In order to better explain we will examine this point by point.
In Marxist philosophy he developed the essence of dialectics, the law of contradiction, establishing
it as the only fundamental law; and in addition to his profoundly dialectical understanding of the
theory of knowledge, whose essence is the two leaps that make up this law (from practice to
knowledge and back to practice, the leap from knowledge back to practice being principal), we
must emphasize his masterful application of the law of contradiction to politics; moreover, he took
philosophy to the masses, fulfilling the task laid out by Marx. In Marxist political economy Chairman Mao applied dialectics to analyze the relationship between the base and superstructure and, in carrying out the struggle of Marxism-Leninism against the revisionist theory of the "productive forces," he concluded that the superstructure, consciousness, can transform the base and with political power develop the productive forces. He developed the Leninist idea that politics is the concentrated expression of economics, and proclaimed that politics must be in command (applicable to all fields) and that political work is the lifeblood of economic work; all this lead to a genuine management of political economy and not just a series of economic
policies.

One question that is overlooked, despite its importance especially for those who face new
democratic revolutions, is the Maoist theory of bureaucrat capitalism, that is, the capitalism that
imperialism develops in the oppressed countries on the basis of different levels of feudalism or
other previous systems. This is a crucial problem especially for Asia, Africa and Latin America,
since from its understanding flows the correct leadership for the revolution, particularly because the
economic basis for advancing the revolution to the second, socialist stage depends on confiscating
bureaucrat capital.

But the main thing is that Chairman Mao Tsetung has developed the political economy of socialism.
His criticism of socialist construction in the USSR is extremely important. So too are his theses on
how to build socialism in China: taking agriculture as the foundation and industry as the leading
factor, industrialization guided by the relationship between heavy and light industry and agriculture,
centering economic construction on heavy industry and simultaneously giving full attention to light
industry as well as agriculture. We should highlight the Great Leap Forward and the conditions for
its implementation: one, a correct line setting an appropriate and correct course; two, a range of
small, medium and large organizational forms in terms of quantitative size; three, a tremendous
push, a colossal effort on the part of the masses to set it in motion and finally to win, a leap forward
whose results are more appreciated by looking at the process it sets in motion and its historical
perspectives than by the immediate results, and at its links to agricultural cooperatives and people's
communes. Finally, we must keep in mind his teachings on objectivity and subjectivity in
understanding and managing the laws of socialism (whose full flowering has not been seen in the
short decades of socialism, which likewise has prevented a better understanding of these laws and
their specificity), and especially the relationship between revolution and economic development,
concentrated in "grasp revolution, promote production." Nevertheless, despite its crucial
importance, not much has been said about this development of Marxist political economy.
In Scientific socialism Chairman Mao developed the theory of classes, analyzing them on the
economic, political and ideological plane; revolutionary violence as a universal law without
exception; revolution as the violent replacement of one class by another, putting forth his theory
that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun," and he solved the problem of the seizure of
power in the oppressed nations by indicating the road of encircling the cities from the countryside
and establishing its general laws. He brilliantly defined and developed the theory of the class
struggle under socialism: that under socialism antagonistic struggle persists between the bourgeoisie
and the proletariat, between the capitalist road and the socialist road and between capitalism and
socialism, and that it was not yet settled which will win out; it would be resolved over a long period
of time, a process of restoration and counter- restoration until the proletariat would finally achieve
the definitive consolidation of its political power, the dictatorship of the proletariat. Finally and
most importantly he formulated the great historic solution for continuing the revolution under the
dictatorship of the proletariat, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

These basic questions, simply outlined but well known and undeniable, show Chairman Mao's
development of the component parts of Marxism and the obvious development of Marxism-
Leninism to a new, third and higher stage: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism.
Continuing with this synthetic approach, let us look at other specific points which, though they flow
from those previously mentioned, should be taken up, even if only enumeratively, so as to call
attention to them.

2. New Democracy. First of all, the development of the Marxist theory of the state, in relation to the
three types of dictatorships: 1) of the bourgeoisie, in the old type of bourgeois democracies like the
U.S., a category to which can be added the oppressed nations such as those in Latin America; 2) the
dictatorship of the proletariat as in the USSR and China before the revisionists seized power; and 3)
New Democracy as the joint dictatorship based on the worker-peasant alliance led by the proletariat
under the leadership of the Communist Party, which was forged in China during the democratic
revolution and in Peru today takes the form of people's committees, base areas and the New
Democratic People's Republic in the process of formation. Within this development of the theory of
the state it is essential to stress the key difference between the state system, the dictatorship of a
class or classes that hold political power, which is principal, and the system of government, the
organization of the exercise of that political power. Further, New Democracy -- one of Chairman Mao's most outstanding developments -- masterfully gives concrete form to the bourgeois revolution of a new type that can only be led by the proletariat, in sum, the democratic revolution in the context of the new era of the world proletarian revolution
in which we find ourselves. New democratic revolution means a new economy, new politics and
new culture, obviously it means overthrowing the old order and building a new one with guns in
hand, which is the only way to transform the world.

Finally, it is important to emphasize that while New Democracy, being a democratic revolution,
fulfills democratic tasks, it also advances in relation to some socialist tasks. This provides an overall
solution to the problem of two stages -- democratic and socialist -- that correspond to countries like
ours. It guarantees that once the democratic stage is completed, the revolution will continue
advancing uninterruptedly to the socialist stage without the slightest pause.

3. The three weapons. The problem of building the three weapons of the revolution demands that
the Party understand the relationship between the Party, the army and the united front; a task of
leadership is to correctly and appropriately understand and handle the interrelated building of all
three in the midst of war or the defense of the new state based on the power of the armed masses.
This building is guided by the principle that the proper and correct ideological line is decisive, and
it is on this ideological-political basis that organizational building develops simultaneously, in the
course of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line and in the storm of the
class struggle, principally war, which presently or potentially is the main form of class struggle.
Concerning the Party, Chairman Mao takes as his starting point the need for a Communist Party, a
party of a new type, a party of the proletariat, today we would say a Marxist-Leninist- Maoist party;
a party whose objective is to seize and hold onto state power, which inseparably links the party to
people's war, whether it be to initiate it, develop it or wage it to defend itself; a party based on the
masses, either as a consequence of the people's war -- which is a war of the masses -- or the united
front, which being a front made up of classes, is based on the majority of the masses. The party
develops and changes according to the stages of the revolution and their periods; the motive force of
its development is the concentrated contradiction within it in the form of two-line struggle between
the proletarian line and the bourgeois line or non-proletarian line in general, which is in essence and
principally a struggle against revisionism. This leads to the crucial importance of ideology in the
life of the party and of the unfolding of rectification campaigns to adjust the functioning of the
whole system of the party's organizations and membership to the appropriate and correct ideological
and political lines, so that the proletarian line may predominate and keep a steel grip on the
leadership of the party. The party's purpose is the establishment of the political power of the
proletariat, even under New Democracy where it is the leading class, and principally the
establishment, strengthening and development of the dictatorship of the proletariat so as, through
cultural revolutions, to win the ultimate goal, communism. This is why the proletariat must lead in
everything and in an all-around way.

The revolutionary army is of a new type, an army for carrying out the political tasks set by the party
in accordance with the interests of the proletariat and people. This takes the concrete form of three
tasks: to wage war, to produce so as not to become a parasitic burden, and to mobilize the masses.
An army that is built politically based on proletarian ideology, on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
(today) and the general political line and military line established by the party. An army that bases
itself on people, not weapons; an army that has come forth from the masses and is always linked to
them and serves them wholeheartedly, allowing it to move among them like a fish in water. Without
a people's army the people have nothing, Chairman Mao says, while he also teaches the necessity
that the party commands absolute leadership over the army and sets forth the great principle: the
party commands the gun and we will never allow the gun to control the party. Beyond thoroughly
establishing the principles and norms for building the army of a new type, the Chairman also
warned that the army could be used to restore capitalism if leadership is usurped through a counter-
revolutionary coup, and he developed Lenin's thesis on the people's militia, advancing further than
ever before in the broad arming of the people, opening the way and pointing the direction towards
the sea of armed masses which will lead us to the ultimate emancipation of the masses and the
proletariat.

Chairman Mao Tsetung was the first to develop a complete theory of the united front and establish
its principles. A united front based on the worker-peasant alliance and guaranteeing the proletariat's
hegemony in the revolution; a united front of classes led by the proletariat, represented by its party,
in sum a united front under the leadership of the Communist Party; a united front for people's war,
for the revolution, for the seizure of power in the service of the proletariat and the masses.
Concretely, therefore, the united front is the unity of the revolutionary forces against counter-
revolutionary forces in order to wage the struggle between revolution and counter- revolution,
principally through people's war, arms in hand. Obviously the united front is not the same at every
stage of the revolution, and moreover, it has its specific characteristics depending on the different
periods of each stage; likewise the united front in a specific revolution is not the same as on a world
scale, though both follow the same general laws. Furthermore, it is important to emphasize the
relationship between the front and the state which Chairman Mao established during the war against
Japan when he explained that the united front was a form of joint dictatorship. This is a question we
who face democratic revolution must study.

4. People's war is the military theory of the international proletariat; people's war sums up for the
first time, in a systematic and all-encompassing way, the theoretical and practical experience of the
struggles, military actions and wars waged by the proletariat as well as the people's long experience
in waging armed struggle, especially the war waged by the Chinese peasants. It is because of
Chairman Mao that the class has a military theory; however, there is much confusion and
misunderstanding around this issue. These problems arise from how the people's war in China itself
is understood. It is often viewed, narrowly and contemptuously, as a mere guerrilla war; this already
denotes a lack of understanding of the fact that with Chairman Mao guerrilla warfare acquires a
strategic character. This view also does not understand how guerrilla warfare, on the basis of its
essential fluidity, can develop mobility, mobile warfare, positional warfare; it can unfold plans for
major strategic offensives and it can seize small, medium and large cities with millions of
inhabitants, combining attacks from outside with insurrections from within. Thus, in conclusion, the
four stages of the Chinese revolution, in particular from the peasant war to the people's war of
liberation, with the war against Japan taking place between these two periods, demonstrate the
diverse aspects and complexity of the revolutionary war waged for more than 20 years with a huge
population and a huge mobilization and participation of the masses; the war involved examples of
many different experiences; and the essence of this war has been extraordinarily studied and its
principles, laws, strategy, tactics, norms, etc., have been masterfully established. It is in that
incredible crucible and on the basis laid by Marxism-Leninism that Chairman Mao was able to
establish the military theory of the proletariat, people's war.

We must keep in mind that subsequently the Chairman himself, with full knowledge of the
existence of atomic bombs and missiles and the ability to use them, defended and developed
people's war to wage it under new conditions involving nuclear weapons and against powers and
superpowers; in sum, people's war is the weapon of the proletariat and people in confronting
nuclear war.

A key and decisive question in understanding the universality of people's war is understanding its
universal validity and consequently applicability, taking into account the different types of
revolutions and the specific conditions of each revolution. To understand this key question it is
helpful to keep in mind the fact that since the Petrograd insurrection this model has not been
repeated, and to consider the antifascist resistance and guerrilla wars in Europe during World War
II, as well as the armed struggles being waged in Europe today, and to see that in the end, the October Revolution was not only an insurrection but a revolutionary war that lasted several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries the revolution can only be conceived of as revolutionary
war and today this can only mean people's war.

Finally, today more than ever, we communists and revolutionaries, the proletariat and the people,
need to be steeled in the point: "yes, we are advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that
is good, not bad, it is Marxist." This means we have to be supporters of the invincibility of people's
war.

5. The historical significance of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is that it is the most far-
reaching of Chairman Mao's developments of Marxism-Leninism, the solution to the great pending
problem of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. It "constitutes a
broader and deeper new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country." What
was the situation? As the Decision of the CPC concerning the GPCR put it: "Although the
bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of
the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavor to stage a comeback.
The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must deal merciless blows and meet head-on every
challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and
habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society. At present, our
objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the
capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic authorities' and the
ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature
and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic
base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system." It was under these conditions that the most earthshaking political event and the largest mass mobilization the Earth has ever seen took place. This is how Chairman Mao defined its objectives: "The current Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is absolutely necessary and most timely for consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing capitalist restoration and building socialism."

We would further emphasize two other questions: 1) the GPCR marked a milestone in the
development of the dictatorship of the proletariat towards consolidating the proletariat's political
power, concretized in the Revolutionary Committees; and 2) the restoration of capitalism in China
following the 1976 counter- revolutionary coup does not negate the GPCR but rather formed part of
the contention between restoration and counter- restoration, and in fact, it points to the crucial
historic importance of the GPCR in humanity's inexorable march towards communism.

6. World revolution. Chairman Mao emphasizes the importance of the world revolution understood
as a single whole. His basic starting points are that revolution is the main trend while imperialism is
increasingly falling apart every day, that the role of the masses grows more immense year after year
and that they are making and will make their irresistible transforming force felt, and the great truth
that he reiterated: either all of us will march on to communism or none of us will. Within this
specific perspective of the era of imperialism is the great historic moment of the "next 50 to 100
years," and within that context, the period now beginning of the struggle against Yankee
imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, those paper tigers fighting for world hegemony and
threatening the world with nuclear war, to which we must respond first by condemning such a war
and then getting ready to oppose it with people's war and make revolution. Furthermore, based on
the historic importance of the oppressed nations and even more their future perspectives, as well as
the economic and political relations developing due to the decomposition of imperialism, the
Chairman set forth his theory that "three worlds are taking shape."All of this points to the need to develop the strategy and tactics of the world revolution. Unfortunately little or almost nothing is known of the writings and statements by Chairman Mao regarding these most important questions; however, what little we do know shows the tremendous prospects he foresaw, and these are major guiding principles which we should follow to understand and serve the world proletarian revolution.
 

7. Superstructure, Ideology, Culture, Education. These and other related problems have been
sharply and profoundly studied and resolved by the Chairman; therefore this is another basic
question that demands attention.

In conclusion, the content of these basic questions clearly demonstrates to anyone who cares to see
and understand that we have a third, new and higher stage of Marxism: Maoism; and that to be a
Marxist today means to be Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and principally Maoist. The exposition of the content leads us to two questions. What is the essence of Maoism? The essential thing in Maoism is political power. Political power for the proletariat, power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More explicitly: 1) political power under the leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution; 2) political power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions; 3) political power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, seized and defended through people's war.

What is Maoism? Maoism is the raising of Marxism-Leninism to a new third stage in the
proletariat's struggle to lead the democratic revolution, the development and building of socialism
and continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through proletarian cultural
revolution, at a time when imperialism is increasingly falling apart and revolution has become the
main trend in history, in the midst of the greatest and most complex struggles ever seen, along with
the inexorable struggle against modern revisionism. On the Struggle around Maoism. Briefly, the struggle in China to establish Mao Tsetung Thought began in 1935, at the Tsunyi meeting, when Chairman Mao assumed the leadership of the Communist Party of China; in 1945 the 7th Congress agreed that the CPC was guided by Marxism- Leninism and the ideas of Mao Tsetung, though this concrete formulation was suppressed by the 8th Congress where a rightist line held sway. The 9th Congress of 1969 summed up the GPCR and stated that the CPC was guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought; up to that point there was progress.

On an international level Maoism began to become influential in the 1950s, but it was only with the
GPCR that it become widely known, acquiring enormous prestige, and Chairman Mao became
recognized as the leader of the world revolution and the founder of a new stage of Marxism-
Leninism; thus, many Communist Parties came to adopt the denomination Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tsetung Thought. On a world level, Maoism openly and sharply confronted modern revisionism and
exposed it deeply and thoroughly, and the same thing occurred within the ranks of the CPC itself,
raising even higher the Chairman's great red banner: the third, new and highest stage of the
international proletariat's ideology. Today Maoism faces the triple attack of Soviet, Chinese and
Albanian revisionism. Moreover, even among those who recognize the Chairman's great
contributions, including his development of Marxism, there are some who believe we are still in the
stage of Marxism-Leninism and others who only accept Mao Tsetung Thought but in no way accept
Maoism.

Obviously, the revisionists in Peru who follow the dictates of their respective overlord --
Gorbachev, Deng, Alia or Castro -- have attacked Maoism; among them we must condemn, unmask
and fight the callous revisionism of Del Prado and his gang of the so-called "Peruvian Communist
Party"; the spineless snakes of the so-called "Communist Party of Peru, Red Fatherland" who
formerly proclaimed themselves "great Maoists" and then became lackeys of Deng after having
condemned him in 1976 when he was knocked down; as well as the anti-Maoism of the so-called
"United Left" teeming with everything from all sorts of revisionists and even anti- Marxists to
phony Marxists and opportunists of all shades. To hold high Maoism as a revealing mirror in front
of the revisionists and to relentlessly struggle against them while working for the development of
the people's war and the victory of the continuing democratic revolution is an obligatory and
unavoidable task of a strategic nature.

The Communist Party of Peru, through the fraction led by Chairman Gonzalo which pushed
forward the reconstitution of the Party, took up Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in 1966; in 1979, the
slogan Hold High, Defend and Apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!; in 1981, Towards
Maoism!; and in 1982, Maoism as a component part and the highest development of the international proletariat's ideology: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. With the people's war we have come to more profoundly understand what Maoism means and have taken the solemn pledge to Uphold, Defend and Apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Principally Maoism!, and to tirelessly fight to help make it the commander and guide of the world revolution, the only really red and imperishable banner, the guarantee of victory for the proletariat, oppressed nations and peoples of the world in their inexorable combat and march towards communism, forever golden and shining.
 

Released by the Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru